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Japan-U.S. and Security Studies Unit SPF China Observer

Satellite Image Analysis: China's Weaponization of Critical Minerals and Its Underlying Drivers

Yuki Kobayashi (Senior Research Fellow, Sasakawa Peace Foundation)


October 22, 2026
19 Min. Read

1. Introduction: China’s Tightening Export Controls on Critical Minerals

China has successively strengthened export controls on critical minerals, including rare earth elements, as well as related products. In April 2025, Beijing introduced stricter export control measures for seven rare earth elements,[1] forcing temporary disruptions in automobile production across Japan, the United States, and Europe.[2] Furthermore, in January 2026, China announced export restrictions on dual-use goods containing rare earth materials destined for Japan, describing the measure as a response to Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi’s remarks[3] concerning a potential Taiwan contingency. According to trade statistics, Chinese exports of rare earth magnets to Japan declined sharply in March of the same year.[4]

Critical minerals are indispensable for a wide range of technologies, including large-scale wind turbines, electric vehicle motors, and data-processing equipment. They are therefore essential for realizing both digital transformation (DX) and green transformation (GX), two defining global trends of the twenty-first century. Moreover, because they are also vital components in fighter aircraft, rocket engines, and other advanced military systems, their availability has direct implications for national security.

Two key factors explain why China is able to employ critical minerals as instruments of trade policy and diplomacy. First, China has established a dominant position in the global market not only in mineral extraction but also in refining, processing, and manufacturing technologies associated with critical minerals. Second, the dysfunction of the World Trade Organization (WTO) has expanded the space for China to utilize critical minerals at its own discretion in pursuit of economic interests, geopolitical influence, and diplomatic objectives.

This paper first reviews the basic characteristics of critical minerals, including rare earth elements. It then examines how China developed a system capable of weaponizing these resources. Finally, it explores how Japan should respond in an international environment where the effectiveness of the WTO has significantly eroded.

2. The Characteristics of Critical Minerals and China’s Advantages

Among critical minerals, rare earth elements refer to a group of 17 elements distinguished by their unique electrical and chemical properties, which make them indispensable for applications such as permanent magnets. Of these, seven are classified as light rare earth elements, while the remaining ten are categorized as medium and heavy rare earth elements. Although all rare earth elements are essential for advanced technology industries, medium and heavy rare earths are of particular strategic significance because of their indispensable role in national security-related technologies.[5] While light rare earth elements are relatively widely distributed across the globe, medium and heavy rare earth elements are more commonly found in ion-adsorption clay deposits, which are heavily concentrated in southern China.[6] For example, the Xinfeng Mine in China’s Jiangxi Province contains more than 45 percent medium and heavy rare earth elements, whereas the Mountain Pass Mine in California, the world’s second-largest producer of rare earths, contains only 1.3 percent.[7] This geological advantage explains why China’s export controls can exert a significant impact on global supply chains. Notably, all seven rare earth elements subjected to enhanced export controls in April 2025 belong to the medium and heavy rare earth category (see Table 1).

Table 1. Major Critical Minerals Subject to China’s Enhanced Export Controls
(Rare earth elements are shown in red)

Mineral Major Applications
Samarium Sensors, medical equipment, automotive components
Gadolinium Magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) contrast agents, nuclear reactor control rods
Terbium Anti-counterfeiting fluorescent printing, laser processing
Dysprosium Electric vehicle (EV) and hybrid vehicle motors, wind turbines, data storage devices
Lutetium Lasers, radiation therapy
Scandium Electrode materials, lasers, aircraft components
Yttrium Electronic filters, lasers, superconductors
Gallium Solar panels, power supplies for data center servers
Germanium Optical fibers, infrared lenses
Antimony Flame retardants, lead-acid battery electrodes
Tungsten Cemented carbide tools, heat-resistant components, radiation shielding materials

Source: Compiled by the author based on Katsuhiro Saito, Rare Metals: The Remarkable Capabilities of Rare Earths (C&R Research Institute, 2019), and other sources.

China’s export restrictions are not limited to rare earth elements. Since 2023, Beijing has successively imposed export controls on products related to gallium, germanium, antimony, tungsten, and other critical minerals.[8] All of these are commodities in which China occupies a dominant position in either mining, refining, or both.

The export restrictions announced in January 2026 were directed exclusively at Japan and covered unspecified dual-use products containing critical minerals rather than particular mineral categories. Although China’s Ministry of Commerce stated that civilian applications would not be affected, trade statistics suggest that the measures were implemented far more stringently toward Japan than toward other destinations. In March 2026, China’s global exports of rare earth magnets declined by only 1.6 percent year-on-year, whereas exports to Japan fell by 27.2 percent.[9] A similar pattern can be observed in tungsten-related products. Cemented tungsten carbide, a processed tungsten product widely used in industrial applications, recorded approximately 14 tons of exports from China to Japan in January 2026. However, exports fell to zero between February and April of the same year.[10] These developments indicate that China has not only acquired leverage through its dominance of critical mineral supply chains but is increasingly willing to employ that leverage in a targeted manner to advance specific diplomatic and strategic objectives.

3. How China Built Its Capacity to Weaponize Critical Minerals (I): The Localization of Technology

China did not simply rely on the fact that critical mineral deposits are heavily concentrated within its territory. Instead, it pursued a strategy aimed at monopolizing the entire supply chain, from upstream activities such as mining and refining to downstream manufacturing, thereby creating a system in which advanced technology products could not be produced without Chinese involvement. The origins of this strategy can be traced to a statement made in 1992 by Deng Xiaoping, China’s paramount leader at the time: “Just as there is oil in the Middle East, there are rare earths in China. Rare earths will undoubtedly provide China with a strategic advantage.”[11] This remark subsequently became a guiding principle for China’s rare earth policy.

A key instrument in implementing this strategy since the 1990s was the combined use of export controls and restrictions on foreign investment. Through an export licensing system, the central government strengthened oversight of the rare earth industry, preventing financially weak local operators from engaging in excessive mining or exporting rare earth materials at low prices. At the same time, Beijing promoted the consolidation and restructuring of domestic rare earth enterprises. In the refining sector, foreign investment was restricted, and foreign companies were generally permitted to enter the market only through joint ventures with Chinese firms. By using export controls to create a price differential between domestic and international markets, China incentivized foreign companies to relocate production to China through joint ventures, thereby facilitating the transfer and localization of processing technologies related to critical minerals.[12]

The refining sector most clearly demonstrates the effectiveness of these policies. The refining of rare earth elements generates substantial quantities of pollutants, including toxic gases, industrial sludge, and radioactive waste. This is because separating individual rare earth elements from mixed ore deposits requires the use of large amounts of chemical reagents.[13] Until the 1980s, the United States and France had been among the leading players in the global rare earth refining industry. However, growing environmental concerns in Western countries increased the costs associated with refining operations. At the same time, China’s export controls drove up the price of rare earth materials outside China. As a result, many companies either withdrew from the refining business altogether or transferred refining technologies to China. Consequently, China came to dominate more than 90 percent of global rare earth refining capacity by country (see Figure 1).

Figure 1. National Shares of Global Rare Earth Refining Capacity (2024)

Figure 1. National Shares of Global Rare Earth Refining Capacity (2024)

Source: Compiled by the author based on International Energy Agency (IEA), “Global Critical Minerals Outlook 2025” Outlook 2025, pp. 161-178.

Yet China was not satisfied with achieving dominance in refining alone. On the contrary, dissatisfaction grew within China over what was perceived as an unequal distribution of value. Chinese policymakers increasingly argued that developed countries were purchasing refined rare earth materials from China at relatively low prices and generating substantial profits by converting them into higher-value manufactured products, while China itself was left to bear the environmental costs associated with production.[14] This sentiment contributed to a further tightening of China’s export controls on critical minerals from the 2010s onward.

Particular emphasis was placed on high-performance permanent magnets manufactured from rare earth materials. These magnets serve as indispensable components in electric vehicle motors, wind turbine generators, and numerous other advanced industrial applications. Historically, Japanese and German firms maintained technological leadership in this sector, producing magnets with superior heat resistance and magnetic performance, and China itself depended on imports for many high-end products. However, as China strengthened export controls, many foreign companies were compelled to shift production to joint ventures with Chinese partners. The resulting transfer of technology enabled Chinese firms to acquire a leading position in rare earth magnet manufacturing. Today, Chinese companies account for more than 80 percent of the global market, while Japanese firms retain only slightly above 10 percent.[15] Through this process, China succeeded in establishing a dominant position across the entire rare earth supply chain, from upstream extraction and refining to downstream manufacturing.

4. How China Built Its Capacity to Weaponize Critical Minerals (II): The Erosion of International Trade Rules

China’s ability to deploy export controls on critical minerals as it sees fit was not always taken for granted. In fact, during the early 2010s, the WTO served as an effective forum in which the legality of China’s export restrictions was scrutinized. Where Chinese measures were found inconsistent with WTO rules, Beijing implemented corrective actions to a certain extent, demonstrating that the international trade regime still retained an important rule-making and enforcement function.

A notable example occurred in September 2010. After a Chinese fishing vessel operating within Japan’s territorial waters near the Senkaku Islands refused orders from the Japan Coast Guard to leave the area and subsequently collided with a Coast Guard patrol vessel, the captain was arrested on suspicion of obstructing public duties. China reacted strongly and imposed restrictions on rare earth exports to Japan. The impact was immediate. Japanese imports of rare earths from China fell from 2,246 tons in September 2010 to 1,278 tons in October, representing a decline of nearly fifty percent.[16] In March 2012, Japan, together with the United States and the European Union (EU), requested consultations under the WTO dispute settlement mechanism. The complaint targeted not only what was widely perceived as retaliatory export restrictions following the Senkaku incident, but also the reductions in export quotas for rare earths and other critical minerals that China had maintained prior to 2010. The complainants argued that these measures were inconsistent with China's obligations under WTO agreements.

China, however, defended its policies by arguing that export taxes and quantitative restrictions were necessary responses to the significant environmental burdens associated with rare earth mining and refining. According to Beijing, the primary objectives of these measures were to prevent excessive exploitation of mineral resources and to strengthen environmental protection efforts through revenues generated from export taxes.

Figure 2. Overview of the WTO Dispute Settlement Process

Figure 1:Conceptual diagram of the nuclear fuel cycle
Source: Compiled by the author based on WTO materials and related sources.

As shown in Figure 2, the WTO dispute settlement system first seeks resolution through consultations among the parties concerned. In this case, consultations failed, leading to the establishment of a dispute settlement panel. Based on the arguments advanced by Japan, the United States, the EU and China, three principal legal issues emerged:

  • - Whether the imposition of export taxes violated China's commitment under Article 11.3 of its WTO Accession Protocol not to levy export duties except under specifically authorized circumstances;
  • - Whether export quotas and other quantitative restrictions violated Article XI:1 of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), which generally prohibits quantitative restrictions on exports and imports;
  • - Whether China's export controls could be justified under the environmental exceptions of GATT Article XX(b) or the conservation of exhaustible natural resources exception under GATT Article XX(g).

In March 2014, the WTO panel rejected China’s arguments and upheld the claims brought by Japan and the other complainants, finding that China’s export restrictions were inconsistent with WTO rules. China appealed the ruling to the WTO Appellate Body in April of the same year. However, in August 2014, the Appellate Body largely affirmed the panel’s findings and again ruled against China.[17]

This was not the first such case. In 2009, the United States and the EU challenged Chinese export restrictions on nine industrial raw materials, including manganese and zinc. In 2012, the WTO Appellate Body reached conclusions broadly similar to those in the rare earth dispute, finding that China’s measures violated its WTO obligations.[18]

These cases illustrate that during the 2010s, the WTO continued to function as an effective arbiter of international trade disputes and played an important role in enforcing the rules governing the global trading system. Although China accepted certain WTO rulings and introduced limited corrective measures, it also sought alternative legal justifications that would allow it to preserve greater freedom of action in future export control policies. One such justification was the national security exception contained in Article XXI of the GATT. This provision permits WTO members to restrict exports of dual-use goods and other strategically sensitive products when essential security interests are at stake. Because the interpretation and invocation of Article XXI are to a significant extent left to the discretion of individual member states, concerns have long been raised regarding the potential for arbitrary application.[19] Indeed, when China announced export restrictions targeting Japan in January 2026, it justified the measures on grounds of preventing military end use and safeguarding national security.

An even more significant development occurred in 2019, when the first Trump administration in the United States refused to approve appointments to the WTO Appellate Body, citing dissatisfaction with rulings that it believed disadvantaged U.S. interests. As a result, the Appellate Body lost the quorum necessary to hear appeals. Deprived of its highest adjudicatory body, the WTO lost much of its capacity to serve as the guardian of the international trading system and entered a period of institutional paralysis.[20]

5. Conclusion: Policy Recommendations for Japan

An examination of how China developed its capacity to weaponize critical minerals suggests that effective responses will be neither simple nor immediate. Given China’s entrenched position across critical mineral supply chains and the concurrent weakening of international dispute-settlement mechanisms, the effects of Chinese export restrictions are likely to persist over the long term. In response, Japan should adopt a strategy that encompasses short-, medium-, and long-term measures.

First, in the short term, Japan should continue to diversify its supply chains beyond China. Tokyo has already pursued supply diversification by securing rare earth procurement agreements through investments in and financing for mining and processing projects in countries such as Australia and through cooperation with European partners.[21] Admittedly, certain critical minerals, including some medium and heavy rare earth elements discussed earlier, remain difficult to source outside China. Nevertheless, reducing dependence on China has become a shared challenge for advanced industrial democracies. Japan should therefore deepen cooperation with allies and like-minded partners to develop alternative supply chains and strengthen collective resilience.

Second, in the medium term, Japan should seek to establish a limited but strategically significant degree of domestic self-sufficiency. In February 2026, exploratory operations conducted south of Minamitorishima Island confirmed the presence of medium and heavy rare earth elements in deep-sea mud deposits located approximately 5,700 meters below the ocean surface.[22] If Japan can rebuild domestic capabilities in refining, advanced processing, and the manufacture of downstream products such as rare earth magnets, it would significantly enhance its resilience against future Chinese export restrictions. The characteristics of rare earth-rich deep-sea mud may also work in Japan’s favor. Unlike conventional terrestrial ores, deep-sea deposits do not require extensive crushing processes before extraction and processing. Moreover, they contain lower concentrations of radioactive elements such as thorium than many land-based rare earth deposits. Analyses of the Minamitorishima samples likewise detected no significant levels of environmental contaminants. These factors could make the development of a domestic rare earth supply chain both technically and environmentally more feasible than is often assumed.

Third, in the long term, Japan should contribute to restoring the effectiveness of the international trading system. Since the WTO's dispute-settlement mechanism became dysfunctional, unilateral trade measures undertaken at the discretion of individual states have become increasingly common. China’s export restrictions on critical minerals are one example, but similar trends can be observed in tariff policies adopted by major economies, including the United States. Persuading Washington to support the restoration of WTO functions will not be easy, particularly given the recent introduction of additional tariff measures by the Trump administration.[23] Nevertheless, Japan should work closely with countries that share an interest in strengthening the multilateral trading system, including the EU and Canada, while also preparing policy options that could be pursued under a future U.S. administration. There are modest grounds for optimism. The United States has continued to participate in discussions on WTO dispute-settlement reform and has put forward proposals regarding possible institutional changes.[24] Moreover, when President Trump announced a list of international organizations from which the United States intended to withdraw in January 2026, the WTO was notably absent. While far from a guarantee of institutional renewal, this omission offers a small but meaningful basis for hope that progress toward WTO reform remains possible.

Ultimately, there is no quick solution to the challenge posed by China’s weaponization of critical minerals. China spent decades constructing its current position of dominance across critical mineral supply chains, and it is unrealistic to expect Japan to develop an effective counterstrategy within a short period. The most practical course of action is therefore to work closely with allies and like-minded countries while steadily building institutional and industrial capacities capable of minimizing the impact of future export restrictions.

[1] Ministry of Commerce of the People’s Republic of China, “Announcement No. 18 of 2025 of the Ministry of Commerce and the General Administration of Customs: Decision to Impose Export Controls on Certain Medium and Heavy Rare Earth-Related Items,” April 4, 2025 (in Chinese). [https://www.mofcom.gov.cn/zwgk/zcfb/art/2025/art_9c2108ccaf754f22a34abab2fedaa944.html]

[2] European Association of Automotive Suppliers (CLEPA), “Urgent Action Needed as China's Export Restrictions on Rare Earths Disrupt European Automotive Supply Chains,” June 4, 2025. [https://www.clepa.eu/insights-updates/press-releases/urgent-action-needed-as-chinas-export-restrictions-on-rare-earths-disrupt-european-automotive-supply-chains/]
Suzuki Motor Corporation, “Temporary Suspension of Production for Certain Models Manufactured in Japan,” News Release, May 30, 2025 (in Japanese). [https://www.suzuki.co.jp/release/d/2025/0530/]

[3] House of Representatives of Japan, “Proceedings of the Budget Committee, 219th Diet Session, No. 2,” November 7, 2025 (in Japanese).
In the meeting, Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi stated that a Chinese military attack against Taiwan undertaken for the purpose of bringing Taiwan under the control of the People’s Republic of China could constitute a situation threatening Japan’s survival under Japanese security legislation.高市総 [https://www.shugiin.go.jp/internet/itdb_kaigiroku.nsf/html/kaigiroku/001821920251107002.htm#p_honbun]

[4] Asahi Shimbun, “China’s March Exports of Rare Earth Magnets to Japan Down 27%; Tightened Controls May Be a Factor,” April 20, 2026 (in Japanese). [https://www.asahi.com/articles/ASV4N2FZ9V4NUHBI00JM.html]

[5] Saito, Katsuhiro. Rare Metals: The Remarkable Capabilities of Rare Earths. Tokyo: C&R Research Institute, 2019, pp. 120-127 (in Japanese).

[6] Fukuda, Kazunori. Japan and China’s Rare Earth Policies. Tokyo: Bokutakusha, 2013, pp. 20-21 (in Japanese)

[7] Japan Organization for Metals and Energy Security (JOGMEC), “Supply and Challenges of Rare Earths,” June 27, 2024, p. 6 (in Japanese). [https://journal.jogmec.go.jp/content/300600821.pdf]

[8] Japan External Trade Organization (JETRO), “China’s Rare Earth Export Controls (1),” March 10, 2026 (in Japanese). [https://www.jetro.go.jp/biz/areareports/special/2026/0101/5229e687b7a111eb.html]

[9] See footnote 4.

[10] TBS NEWS DIG, “China Halts Exports of Processed Tungsten Products to Japan: Stronger Export Controls on Japan a Possible Factor,” May 27, 2026 (in Japanese). [https://newsdig.tbs.co.jp/articles/-/2689540?display=1]

[11] Kato, Yasuhiro. Pacific Ocean Rare Earth Mud Will Save Japan. Tokyo: PHP Institute, 2012, pp. 75-76 (in Japanese).

[12] Fukuda, Kazunori. Japan and China’s Rare Earth Policies. Tokyo: Bokutakusha, 2013, pp. 45-77.

[13] Saito, Katsuhiro. Rare Metals: The Remarkable Capabilities of Rare Earths. Tokyo: C&R Research Institute, 2019, pp. 128-131.

[14] Rare Metal News, No. 2371. Tokyo: Almu Publishing, 2008, p. 3 (in Japanese).

[15] “Rare-Earth Magnets: How Japanese Firms Lost Market Share to China. Before Anyone Noticed, the Market Had Become Chinese-Made,” Nikkei, June 17, 2025 (in Japanese).

[16] Marukawa, Tomoo. “The Rare Earth Crisis of 2010.” Institute of Social Science, University of Tokyo, June 23, 2016 (in Japanese). [https://web.iss.u-tokyo.ac.jp/crisis/essay/2010-2010979192-924201042010-wto201092219412010-nhk924924-120109220310180922461012781200920112102010.html]

[17] WTO “CHINA – MEASURES RELATED TO THE EXPORTATION OF RARE EARTHS, TUNGSTEN, AND MOLYBDENUM,” August 7, 2014. [https://www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/files/000096414.pdf]

[18] Fukuda, Kazunori. Japan and China’s Rare Earth Policies. Tokyo: Bokutakusha, 2013, pp. 86-99.

[19] Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI), “The National Security Exception: Issues Concerning the Interpretation of GATT Article XXI and Recent WTO Jurisprudence,” April 2023 (in Japanese). [https://www.meti.go.jp/policy/trade_policy/wto/3_dispute_settlement/32_wto_rules_and_compliance_report/322_past_columns/2023_04.pdf]

[20] Reuters Japan, “WTO Reform Proposal Emerges as Members Seek Agreement to Address Institutional Paralysis by Early 2024,” October 27, 2023. [https://jp.reuters.com/world/us/EYQDBKDWTJP6JP4CT2NPSVHVF4-2023-10-27/]

[21] Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI), “Japan Acquires Its First Overseas Rare Earth (Heavy Rare Earth) Interests,” March 7, 2023.

[22] Japan Agency for Marine-Earth Science and Technology (JAMSTEC), “Results of the Rare-Earth Mud Mining System Connection Test Conducted in Japan’s EEZ around Minamitorishima,” July 24, 2026 (in Japanese). [https://www.jamstec.go.jp/j/about/press_release/20260724/]

[23] BBC News Japan, “Trump Administration Imposes New Tariffs on 60 Countries and Regions, Citing Inadequate Measures Against Forced Labor,” July 24, 2026. [https://www.bbc.com/japanese/articles/cgmky0wmxy1o]

[24] Japan External Trade Organization (JETRO), “The Future of WTO Reform,” August 29, 2023 (in Japanese). [https://www.jetro.go.jp/biz/areareports/special/2023/0801/c949a55fd30ef6a6.html]


Cyber / Space / AI / Satellite Imagery (JPUS Unit) Japan-U.S. and Security Studies Unit
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