Sasakawa Peace Foundation

日本語
  • About SPF
    • About Us
      • About Us
      • History
      • Program Policy and Five Priority Goals
      • Board Members
      • Diversity and Inclusion
      • Financial Position
      • Honorary Chair's Message Archive
      • Activities Before 2017
    • President's Message
    • Brochure and Annual Report
    • Access
    • Idea Submission
    • Careers
    • Contact Us
  • Experts
  • Programs
    • Japan-U.S. and Security Studies Unit
    • General Affairs and Networking Program
    • National Security and Japan-U.S. Program
    • Strategy and Deterrence Program
    • Asia and Middle East Unit
    • Strategic Dialogue and Exchange Program
    • Peacebuilding Program
    • Social Innovation Program
    • Sasakawa Japan-China Friendship Program
    • Ocean Policy Research Institute
    • Division of Ocean Vision and Action
    • Division of Island Nations
    • Scholarship Unit
    • Sasakawa Scholarship Program
  • Research & Analysis
    • Reports and Publications
    • Essays and Commentary
    • SPF Now Interviews
    • Videos
    • Podcasts
    • Browse by Regions
    • Regions
    • Americas
    • Northeast Asia
    • Southeast Asia
    • South Asia
    • Middle East
    • Oceania
    • Europe and Eurasia
    • Arctic
    • Africa
    • Satellite Sites
    • International Information Network Analysis
    • SPF China Observer
    • Asia Women Impact Fund
    • The OPRI Center of Island Studies
    • The Friends of WMU, Japan
    • SPF Insights into Japan–U.S. Relations
    • From the Oceans
    • Asia Peacebuilding Initiatives (APBI)
    • History of the Sasakawa Japan-China Friendship Program
      (Japanese language)
    • Japan-China Relations Data Graph (Japanese language)
  • News
    • News
    • Press Releases
    • SPF Newsletter
    • Media Coverage
  • Events
SPF NOW

Interview with Dr. Ceren Lord on the influence of sectarianism in Turkey and the Alevi community

By Jackie Enzmann, Chief Editor


December 6, 2018
10 Min. Read
On November 13, 2018, the Middle East and Islam Program Department of the Sasakawa Peace Foundation (SPF) welcomed Dr. Ceren Lord, an SPF Postdoctoral Research Fellow at the University of Oxford, to present her findings about the influence of sectarianism in Turkey following the 2011 Arab uprisings. Dr. Lord, who currently conducts research in Middle East Studies at the Oxford School of Global and Area Studies, focused her presentation on the Alevi community, a minority population in Turkey that has a long history of being targeted by the Turkish state particularly after the Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power in 2002. Following her presentation, Dr. Lord spoke with SPF Now to contextualize her extensive research within the broader literature about the Middle East, to discuss her time as an SPF fellow, and to reflect on the ways that her research at SPF impacted the direction of her future scholastic endeavors. Below are excerpts from that conversation.

What was the primary objective of your research on the Alevis and what were the main points you were trying to present?

Dr. Lord: The objective was to contribute to the literature on sectarianism in the Middle East, which I think has really neglected the Turkish case. I also think that the Turkish case study says something about sectarianism that has been missed, particularly the longer dynamics of how sectarianism becomes embedded in nation state building, which makes it important to understand why sectarian politics became a viable political strategy in the Turkish case.

The authoritarian turn in the region and Turkey is clearly part of a more global dynamic, but there are idiosyncrasies that you can see from country to country. In Turkey, there are various factors and explanations for the Justice and Development Party's (AKP) authoritarian turn, which include the highly majoritarian nature of the political system it inherited as well as the Islamist ideology of the governing party. As is the case elsewhere in the region, the AKP government responded to the emergence of a broad-based opposition to its rule in recent years partly through trying to divide the opposition through sectarianism, a strategy also seen in places like Bahrain.

I would hope that this research would further the general understanding of the kinds of challenges that different nation states are facing in the region, especially since the 2011 uprisings, as well as highlight the challenges that minorities – and the designation of minorities is very sensitive, so I use that here just to mean a numerical minority – are facing. Their existence and survival is increasingly challenged by groups like ISIS, majoritarian politics and so on. These issues have implications for future conflict dynamics and have significant spillover effects, including the current refugee situation.

One point that you made was that sectarianism will be a defining force in conflicts going forward in the region. What meaning should people take from that conclusion?

Dr. Lord: I wouldn't say that it's a defining nature of conflicts nor that it is a driving force by any means. Sectarianism is neither an essential feature, a primordial identity nor a 'thing' out there with an autonomous force. It can be considered a subset of identity politics, a way of seeing the world and imposing distinction that has become increasingly important in how actors frame politics and struggles, which has also meant sectarian boundaries have become a lot more politically salient in the recent period. I am interested in not just how and why these identity markers become constructed, adopted and more salient over time, but also the shifting nature of the different types of mobilization strategies employed by different communities. This could mean that shifts in identity result in new fault lines being created. My future research will consider how new forms of identity and religious transformations are happening in the region and what that means for these communities.

In your speech at SPF, you concentrated specifically on the Alevis. How did you come to focus on this topic?

Dr. Lord: In my previous work, I researched the Turkish ulema, the Sunni-Muslim religious authority that is part of the state, and their role in Islamist mobilization over the course of the history of the Turkish Republic. While I was researching the ulema, I found that the archives were full of descriptions of discriminatory policies against the Alevis. That's how I initially was lured into doing work on the Alevis.

Then I noticed after 2011 that there was a complete mischaracterization of the Alevis, especially in English-language media, and I hope to publish a collaborative paper on this issue shortly. The Western press often presented the Alevis as part of some sort of a Shia network. In fact, Alevis have regarded Turkish state strategies of Sunnification as well as Iranian Shiafication as threats to their faith. This misconception I think resulted from the sudden interest in the Alawites of Syria, which I suppose led journalists to look for the next potential problem in the region. At that time, a host of articles came out in which journalists were suggesting that the Alevis in Turkey were going to be allying with Iran or the Alawites of Syria and so on.

There was not that much scholarly research on the Alevis generally until recently and not much knowledge about the community, even though they make up about 15-20% of the Turkish population. The emergence of the Alevi movement in the 1990s is understood generally to be related to the crushing of the left after the 1980 military coup, the initiatives of the diaspora in Europe, and importantly the Sivas massacre in 1993 when a mob of thousands of Sunni citizens leaving Friday prayers attacked an Alevi cultural festival and murdered 35 people. The Alevi movement has campaigned for equal citizenship rights, and matters such as access to secular education, and do not have a political party or Alevi group demands per se. Alevis have also had to hide their identity for a long time because they were persecuted.
What changed as the AKP came into power? Can you talk more about why the Alevis became more willing to talk about their identity?

Dr. Lord: Relations with the AKP have been difficult from the start as Islamists are generally hostile to Alevis and have been historically associated with violence towards them. As I mentioned the historical experience of violence including by Islamists (such as the Sivas massacre) have been important in Alevi mobilization, involving the increasing openness to identifying as Alevis, and the development of Alevi organizations in the 1990s. The Sunni religious authority has also regarded Alevism as heretical and divisive. To some extent this is in the sense that if the Alevis assert their distinction in Turkey, then this is regarded as divisive, just like the state perceives Kurdish claims of difference as divisive of the nation state. The emergence of an increasingly sectarian targeting and political discourse in the AKP era in a sense confirms the initial fears of the Alevi movement.

The securitization of Alevis is not unique to the AKP era however. The Turkish state has always seen Alevis, together with communists and Kurds, as internal enemies. Persecution of communities that can be placed under the umbrella term of Alevi stretches to the Ottoman era, and they were regarded then by Sunni orthodox ulema (Muslim clerics) as heretical then too. However, even in the ostensibly secular Turkish Republic, Alevis continued to face periodic bouts of violence by the state, such as during 1937-1938 in the province of Dersim when there was mass ethnic cleansing of Alevis – we don't really know the exact numbers, but estimates of those murdered range from 10,000-70,000 – and by rightist mobs often facilitated by the state. In that sense, violence against the Alevis is not new. However, previously, owing to the secularization of the legal framework, the Republican project still held the promise in theory, even if not realized in practice, of an equal citizenship. What is unprecedented now it that the whole nature of the regime is changing under the AKP.

Now I'd like to turn a bit more to your work with Sasakawa Peace Foundation. First, how did you became involved with SPF?

Dr. Lord: I applied for a two-year fellowship at what was called the School of Interdisciplinary Area Studies, which is now being renamed as the Oxford School of Global and Area Studies (OSGA), at the University of Oxford. They have the two-year Sasakawa Peace Foundation fellowship that matches a Japanese fellow with a British scholar. I applied to do the British-based one, and in September 2016 I began that program. I was very happy to do so because on a very personal note, my husband is half Japanese so I was very happy to deepen my connection with Japan.

How has your time in the SPF fellowship impacted your research, your career, or the direction that you've taken since then?

Dr. Lord: There were a number of major outcomes for my research undertaken both individually and collaboratively. During the SPF fellowship, my fellowship counterpart and I decided that we would focus on the past and present challenges for minorities in the Middle East and together we organized a workshop and a major international conference for which we had over 300 applications and over 30 speakers with the subject of rethinking sectarianism, nationalism, and ethnoreligious politics and mobilization in the Middle East. We will publish a special issue on sectarianism in the British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies based on selected papers from the conference. I am proud to say the special issue will include distinguished Japanese scholars of the region such as Professor Keiko Sakai and Professor Yasuyuki Matsunaga. So one outcome for me has been this collaborative output including publications and conferences as well as the increasing collaboration with Japanese colleagues. This engagement has been very positive for me, I've been learning a lot, and hopefully I will get another opportunity to come to Japan to build on theses collaborative efforts. An important vision of the SPF fellowship is to encourage this collaboration and I also believe that British and Japanese academics working on the region can learn from each other's varied experiences in doing research in the region.

Other major outcomes in terms of my individual work is that I developed a new project based on the research I undertook during my SPF fellowship, which looks specifically at the types of transnational networks that are developing with different minority communities that come under the umbrella term of Alevi. Based on this, I was recently awarded a British Academy post-doctoral fellowship for three years, so I'll be extending this research. This is testament that there was a huge amount of value that came out of the two-year SPF fellowship. I was also able to write and publish my first book during the fellowship, which is titled Religious Politics in Turkey: From the Birth of the Republic to the AKP and was recently published by Cambridge University Press.

Finally, when you look at conflicts in Turkey or the Middle East, what kind of expectations do you have for SPF or organizations like it to play a role in the region?

Dr. Lord: Of course there's always room for a neutral broker, and you can't really get more neutral than Japan in some ways. It can be difficult to find somewhere in Europe that has an interest in engaging in the Middle East and is also with clean hands in terms of engagement and doesn't have some sort of a problematic past. In that sense, there's a role for organizations like SPF in the region. However, it's difficult to say how much can be achieved in some ways because I think the dynamics are very much in flux at the moment and I think we are all kind of lost in terms of trying to figure out who is on which side and which groups are fighting. It's one of the most turbulent times we've had in decades, so it's somewhat difficult.

There is also a role for SPF being involved indirectly with civil society organizations or education, whether its university level or even lower and playing some role in conflict resolution. A major problem is that because some of these countries are extremely polarized, it's a very sensitive situation, so any external broker risks aggravating different sides. But there is certainly a role for SPF and I am highly grateful for the support given to academics to further understanding of these very problems in the region, which hopefully will be of long-term benefit and contribution towards a resolution or at least some improvement.

Strategic Dialogue and Exchange Program Middle East
Share

Related Articles

Latest News

SPF NOW

Interview with Vincent Pala, Member of Parliament for Shillong, Meghalaya state, India

As India looks to deepen ties with Japan and other countries through its Act East policy, Northeast India — a diverse region composed of eight states — has become a key gateway from India to Southeast Asia and beyond. SPF spoke with Vincent Pala, a member of parliament representing Shillong in the state of Meghalaya, to discuss the significance of international exchanges and expectations for future collaboration between Japan and India.

January 25, 2024
SPF NOW

Interview with Commodore Peter Olive, Head of Futures and Strategic Analysis at the Defence, Concepts and Doctrine Centre (DCDC)

SPF Senior Research Fellow Ippeita Nishida spoke with the Head of Futures and Strategic Analysis for DCDC, Commodore Peter Olive, about the relevance of the GST in the face of unexpected shocks from the COVID-19 pandemic to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, as well as his thoughts on the shifting dynamics across the strategic landscape in the Indo-Pacific looking toward the next 30 years.

February 13, 2023
SPF NOW

Interview with Dr. Ufuk Ulutaş, Chairman of Center for Strategic Research, and Dr. Mesut Özcan, Director of Diplomacy Academy, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Türkiye

Dr. Ulutaş and Dr. Özcan sat down with SPF to discuss the unique position of Türkiye within the Ukraine conflict, current Japan-Türkiye relations, and possible areas to deepen this partnership, including potential cooperation on defense issues.

November 14, 2022
Browse Latest News

pagetop

Video Title

Footer

Sasakawa Peace Foundation

  • About SPF
  • News
  • Experts
  • Events
  • Programs
  • Access
  • Research & Analysis
  • Contact Us

Latest Updates

Receive regular updates about news, events, and research from the Sasakawa Peace Foundation

Sign Up to Our Newsletter

Satellite Sites

  • From the Oceans
  • The Friends of WMU Japan
  • Asia Women Impact Fund
  • Insights into Japan–U.S. Relations
  • International Information Network Analysis (IINA)
  • The OPRI Center of Island Studies
  • SPF China Observer
  • Asia Peacebuilding Initiatives (APBI)
  • History of the Sasakawa Japan-China Friendship Program (Japanese language)
  • Japan-China Relations Data Graph (Japanese language)
  • PRIVACY POLICY
  • SITE POLICY
  • SOCIAL MEDIA POLICY
  • SITE MAP
  • WEB ACCESSIBILITY POLICY

Copyright © 2021 The Sasakawa Peace Foundation. All Rights Reserved.